David Brooks on American Capitalism

This article originally appeared in CounterPunch on 5/24/2012.

A recent op-ed by NY Times columnist, David Brooks, asserts that “Forty years ago, corporate America was bloated, sluggish, and losing ground to competitors in Japan and beyond.”  However, the rise of private equity firms and “bare-knuckled corporate executives” contributed to structural changes from which “American businesses emerged leaner, quicker, and more efficient” even though the “process was brutal and involved streamlining and layoffs” (1).

That last part is crucial and it’s likely that the corporate apologist and bobo-expert regrets including it.  The latter term was a reference to his book Bobos in Paradise in which he argues that the modern American yuppie-elite is an amalgamation of the bohemian rebel of the 60s and the wealth-seeking corporate climber of the 80s.  If you read the book, you’ll find that the “bobo” is the primary beneficiary of the vitalized American business that he celebrates.  And he’s quite right that American business emerged leaner and more efficient.

Businesses exist to make profits for the investors and shareholders that own the business.  It’s this incentive that free market fanatics tout as central to the doctrine’s celebrated efficiency.  These businesses operate on the efforts of rented wage labor of both blue and white collars.  However, even though it’s true that American business has experienced booming profits since the 1970s, what Brooks fails to mention is that these benefits have been sharply concentrated at the top alone.

It’s barely news that wealth and income distribution in recent decades has been dramatically lopsided with the top 1% taking in 10% of the nation’s income since 1979 and holding on to about 30% of the nation’s wealth (2) (3).  Being in the top 1% is no easy task, either.  The average salary is $1 million per year (4).  If you care to look closely enough, you’ll find that these figures come right out of the Congressional Budget Office.

Furthermore, the “leaner, quicker, and more efficient” American business indirectly reflects the decline in American manufacturing industry and the rise of multinational institutions that sell no product but continuously engage in complex financial manipulations and specialized transactions.  This process of financialization was set off by the United States’ decision to unilaterally disengage from the Bretton Woods monetary system that it and Britain championed after World War II.  The dollar was no longer accountable to gold convertibility and thus began policies associated with “neoliberalism” (5).

The general trend was that American businesses found it much cheaper to open the door to foreign imports of goods and products from both unskilled and skilled labor.  This crippled the American manufacturing industry by debasing workers in textiles, steel, automobiles, and consumer electronics.  So, even though computers were invented on the college campus using American taxpayer funding throughout the 1950s and 1960s, it became possible to cheaply assemble them abroad in the Third World by foreign workers and subsequently import them (6).

Obviously the effects followed a class-specific distribution.  Manufacturing was where you could find a decent job without a college degree.  The working class mix included poor native-born whites, African-Americans, and southern and eastern European immigrants.  They were dealt with accordingly.  Black life was recriminalized under what Michelle Alexander termed “The New Jim Crow” (7).  With more blacks currently imprisoned than were ever enslaved, black communities can’t even pretend to reap the benefits of Brooks’ celebrations (8) (9).  Those who were able to hold on to their jobs saw their real wages more or less stagnate and working hours increase.  The skilled workers that lost their manufacturing jobs were forced into the menial service economy in competition with Latin American immigrants (10).  This competition was only exacerbated by the devastating effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement that was designed specifically to enrich big business at the expensive the American worker (11).  The growing dispossessed formed the basis of today’s Tea Party Movement (12).

Those that could not find employment at all watched lifelines slip away for themselves and their families with the decline of the United States welfare system under Reagan, Bush I, and Clinton (13).  20 million Americans currently live in extreme poverty with incomes below half of the poverty line.  For 6 million Americans, the only source of income is food stamps (14).  What’s rarely mentioned is that with conservative reforms of programs such as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families and what used to be Aid to Families with Dependent Children, the core issue remains single mothers and impoverished children.  Jason DeParle described the recession-era trend of food stamp users skyrocketing while welfare cash payouts remained on the decline in a recent NY times article.  He noted that the 90s economic boom, no doubt the kind that Brooks had it mind, was accompanied aggressively by the drive to “end welfare as we know it” (15).  However, according to Brooks, “Many voters have come to regard their desires as entitlements” and “they become incensed when their leaders are not responsive to their needs.”  He asserts that “like any set of human begins, they command their politicians to give them benefits without asking them to pay” (16).  I suppose you have to hand it to him for finding it so easy to categorize a “set of human beings.”

“Successful” middle class citizens including myself sometimes found their way through institutions of higher learning which were often touted as the means to personal enlightenment and economic prosperity.  College was central to the American dream.  However, one peak behind the curtain reveals that tuition only imposes a new set of chains in the form of debt burden as the New York Times recently described (17).  The trillion dollar debt bubble in the United States drives the population further into the pockets of the 1%.  The rest, I suppose, rent themselves to the military.

So Mr. Brooks was certainly right.  Without question, the neoliberal agenda has dramatically invigorated American businesses from “sluggish” to “leaner, quicker, and more efficient.”  It accomplished this by adopting a simple strategy that came right out of the UChicago economics department: protect domestic business interests but open the labor force to market pressures.  This entailed subsidizing American exports using tax payer funding, but simultaneously pulling the rug right out from underneath the very same taxpayer.  The highly respected American economist Richard Wolff summed it up perfectly (18):

“Since the 1970s, most US workers postponed facing up to what capitalism had come to mean for them.  They sent more family members to do more hours of paid labour, and they borrowed huge amounts.  By exhausting themselves, stressing family life to the breaking point in many households, and by taking on unsustainable levels of debt, the US working class delayed the end of American exceptionalism – until the global crisis hit in 2007.  By then, their buying power could no longer grow: rising unemployment kept wages flat, no more hours of work, nor more borrowing, were possible.  Reckoning time had arrived.  A US capitalism built on expanding mass consumption lost its foundation.”

Notes.

(1)    http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/22/opinion/brooks-how-change-happens.html?ref=davidbrooks

(2)    http://www.motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2010/09/simple-look-income-inequality

(3)    http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/30/inequality-is-most-extreme-in-wealth-not-income/

(4)    http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2011/02/income-inequality-in-america-chart-graph

(5)    http://business.pages.tcnj.edu/files/2011/07/VanArnum.Thesis.pdf

(6)    http://www.brookings.edu/research/papers/2011/01/china-challenge-baily

(7)    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michelle-alexander/the-new-jim-crow_b_454469.html

(8)    http://pbstandards.org/news/article/221?newstype=1

(9)    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/inimai-chettiar/prison-system-jim-crow_b_1297413.html

(10)http://economyincrisis.org/content/service-economy-taking-over-us

(11)http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ellen-r-shaffer/immigration-is-a-nafta-pr_b_642484.html

(12)http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/peter-roff/2010/10/07/the-tea-party-movement-is-a-middle-class-revolt

(13)http://www.nber.org/papers/w5774.pdf?new_window=1

(14)http://www.democracynow.org/2012/5/23/so_rich_so_poor_peter_edelman#transcript

(15)http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/08/us/welfare-limits-left-poor-adrift-as-recession-hit.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all

(16)http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/18/opinion/the-age-of-innocence.html?_r=3&ref=opinion

(17)http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/13/business/student-loans-weighing-down-a-generation-with-heavy-debt.html?ref=tuition&gwh=A192E2C120C487DF2288577E2C662C39

(18)http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/jan/17/economics-globalrecession

Suppression of journalists in Honduras undermines democracy

OpEd News.

Journalism plays a special role in modern society.  Though in itself a neutral institution, the content of disseminated information plays a substantial role in shaping public consciousness.  Information facilitates cohesion among members of a population through common awareness.  Furthermore, and most important, it helps define the relationship between government and citizen.  Depending on the power structure of a society, the right information can subdue a population, but the wrong information has the power to animate, galvanize, and organize people.  This is why some journalists are dangerous.

It’s why journalists in Honduras are terrorized to this day.  BBC reported on May 8 that Erick Martinez, a noted LGBT activist, journalist, and dissident, was recently found strangled and dead.  Another journalist, Alfredo Villatoro, was kidnapped on May 9 and has yet to be found.  Let’s examine the conditions that may have contributed to the growing chaos in Honduras.

Since the rise of the Lobo administration in Honduras, “the country has been descending deeper into a human rights and security abyss” according to labor historian and expert on Latin American, Dana Frank of UC Santa Cruz (1).  Pepe Lobo took power after a military coup removed democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya in June 2009 much to the disapproval of the rest of Latin America (2).  Despite Zelaya’s illegitimate ousting, the Obama administration welcomed Lobo warmly.  Hugo Llorens, then-ambassador to Honduras, called it a “great celebration of democracy.”  Let’s evaluate.

Zelaya’s presidency was characterized by progressive educational reforms, increased minimum wage, and poverty reduction in a country where 70% of the population is poor and 90% of the wealth is controlled by a handful of aristocratic families (3).  Obviously, he needed to go.  The Lobo regime, on the other hand, has been marked by increased violence, repression, corruption, and human rights abuses.   It now boasts the highest murder rate in the world and a particular distaste for agents of media scrutiny.

Still, two years after the “celebration of democracy,” Obama reaffirmed his validation of the new Honduras:  “Two years ago, we saw a coup in Honduras that threatened to move this country away from democracy, and in part because of pressure from the international community, but also because of the strong commitment to democracy and leadership by President Lobo, what we’ve been seeing is a restoration of democratic practices and a commitment to reconciliation that gives us hope” (4).

Just how strong is this democracy?  Inter Press Service reported in January that Lobo’s approval rating had hit an all time low.  Father Ismael Moreno, a Jesuit priest and director of Radio Progreso, called it an “overwhelming failure” (5).  Indeed, a dysfunctional democracy is a likely result of widespread fear in the midst of political violence.

Lobo responded to the worsening human rights situation by pledging his government’s commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights while addressing the U.N. General Assembly in September 2011 (6).  It’s worth noting that article 19 of the Declaration states that “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression…and to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media.”  Unfortunately, you are not exactly free to report information while under the constant intimidation and fear of being murdered which are exactly the conditions facing journalists in Honduras today.

Research from the Committee to Protect Journalists revealed that 15 journalists have been murdered since the coup with 3 of them confirmed to have been work-related.  Furthermore, the research documents cases of harassment, assault, and torture of other journalists as well as state-sponsored oppression of media outlets and facilities (7).

Amnesty International recently released an urgent action notice regarding several human rights activists and journalists receiving death threats and sexual intimidation.  One activist and reporter, Dina Meza, received text messages stating, “We’ll burn your pussy with lime until you scream and the whole squad will enjoy it…You’ll end up dead like people in the Aguan there’s nothing better than fucking some bitches” (8).  Similarly, a radio program host, Gilda Silvestrucci, received a phone call in which she was told, “We already know you have three children…just now you were in the street with your son…and the eldest is at home…and we’re going to kill you” (9).

Now perhaps these are garden-variety scare tactics, but they are still very real and very frightening.  Furthermore, the subjection of human rights reporters to these tactics severely undermines hopes for functioning democracy in a country plagued by violence, repression, and corruption.  At the center of it all is Miguel Facusse Barjum, a wealthy agro-industrialist member of the oligarchic elite.  He was recently added to the list of Predators of Freedom of Information which is compiled by Reporters Without Borders.  What makes him special was his support for the 2009 coup that overthrew Manuel Zelaya and his subsequent role in the crackdown on campesino landownership through violent means (10).  Furthermore, the private army employed by Facusse has been supported by U.S. Drug Dar funding.

What makes him extra special was a WikiLeaks revelation of the State Department’s prior knowledge that Facusse has been an importer of cocaine (11).  A major one, no doubt, given the newly vitalized narcotrafficking channels in Honduras since the 2009 coup.  As such, it’s no surprise that Colombia’s then president Alvaro Uribe welcomed the new regime shortly thereafter.

In a letter addressed to President Lobo, the executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists, Joel Simon, called for attention to the issue of violence against journalists: “Amid a politically charged atmosphere of violence and lawlessness, your government’s inability to guarantee the safety of journalists or successfully investigate crimes against the press is hindering the coverage of sensitive issues while putting democracy at risk” (12).  The fragility of democracy in Honduras is highlighted by Washington’s attempt to make it a satellite state for its drug war.  The business elites that run the country are under no pressure to enact population-level reforms.  Moreover, they’re backed by the imperial power that seeks to dominate the hemisphere.  As the local media are prevented from disseminating critical information that represents the interests of the population, prospects for democratic self-determination are profoundly hindered.  And it’s no reason to celebrate.

(1)    http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/27/opinion/in-honduras-a-mess-helped-by-the-us.html?_r=1&ref=honduras

(2)    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8663136.stm

(3)    http://www.newstatesman.com/international-politics/2009/09/coup-regime-honduras-father

(4)    http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/10/05/remarks-president-obama-and-president-lobo-honduras-bilateral-meeting

(5)    http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=106589

(6)    http://latindispatch.com/2011/09/22/honduras-lobo-renews-commitment-to-human-rights/

(7)    http://www.cpj.org/2012/02/attacks-on-the-press-in-2011-honduras.php

(8)    http://www.amnesty.org/fr/library/asset/AMR37/006/2012/fr/281cef2b-37a6-4046-b49a-364d1c97dc2c/amr370062012en.html

(9)    http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AMR37/002/2012/en/fe8222d7-6521-4034-b572-b82fe6ec0725/amr370022012en.pdf

(10)http://en.rsf.org/honduras-miguel-facusse-barjum-02-05-2012,42452.html

(11)http://www.thenation.com/article/164120/wikileaks-honduras-us-linked-brutal-businessman

(12)http://cpj.org/2011/12/honduras-should-investigate-cases-of-killed-journa.php

The real joke: oppression through marginalization

This article originally appeared in CounterPunch on 5/4/2012.

It’s not easy to get the President of the United States to provide meaningful answers to questions regarding issues of serious concern to the population.  During a Q&A session with Obama put together by YouTube in January, a woman pressed him about her husband’s extended unemployment to which he responded: “send me your husband’s resume” (1) (2).  Dodging questions is pretty standard especially when the truth is not going to make you very popular.  The jobs issue is central to Obama’s presidency so it’s likely that he could have provided a meaningful albeit depressing answer.  Unfortunately, the show has to go on and it did so by ignoring the most popular questions which—remarkably enough—did not have to do with his wedding anniversary or the midnight snacking habits that were discussed, but rather with the War on Drugs (3) (4).

Given his role as the President, one would hope that his public appearances and remarks would serve useful purposes such as providing substantive and honest information regarding policy positions and government activity.  His responses during the YouTube Q&A were not totally egregious, but the superficial behavior at these Correspondents’ Dinners is just depressing.  Performing skits and telling jokes was the top priority last year while Operation Neptune Spear was being carried out.  Again, the show had to go on.  The subjects tackled during this year’s Dinner included eating dogs, Young Jeezy, and casual homophobia.  The funniest bit, however, was the greasy comment on what he declared to be a great American tradition: “a free press that isn’t afraid to ask questions, to examine and to criticize” (5).

Whether or not those questions get answered, the free press he was referring to is far from traditional.  For one thing the spectrum of representative interest is sharply polarized.  For example, there are blogs and there are media conglomerates much like there are local coffee shops and there are Starbuckses.  Even though both provide similar commodities, the two sides operate in different ways because they exist for different reasons.  So even though neither ThinkProgress nor The Wall Street Journal is under any coercion, the latter is still owned by the multibillion dollar News Corporation which exists to make profits for investors.   This has two major implications for an outlet like WSJ.  Firstly, as a corporate subordinate, its terminal function is to contribute to wealth consolidation.  It may not accomplish this explicitly (e.g. “playing politics”), but it would not have been absorbed if it did not contribute to Rupert Murdoch’s bottom line (6).  Secondly, its massive financial backing inexorably enables it be ultra-prominent and consequently ultra-powerful.  Its elite status will obviously influence its content by filtering out writers with non- or anti-elite sentiments.  These principles generalize to other dominant media such as The New York Times and The Washington Post.

So just whose views are the big three free press outlets representing?   An April report published by FAIR looked into which perspectives were being represented on their op-ed pages during September and October 2011 when the Occupy movement was in full swing: the movement which is now recognized to have dramatically shifted political discourse in the U.S. as recent articles in the Post and in Rolling Stone make clear (7) (8).  The report revealed that elites from academia, think tanks, big business, and government institutions made up 84%, 84%, and 73% of the guest column bylines in the Times, the Journal, and the Post respectively.  Those proportions aren’t surprising because they’re pretty much taken for granted: you wouldn’t expect anyone else’s opinion to be important enough to be featured.  The study also found that op-ed writers were overwhelmingly white males: 80-90%.  Furthermore, the Occupy movement was barely discussed in the opinion pages of all three papers.  Again, given the structure of American society, it’s not that surprising.  However, the connection you’re not supposed to make is the obvious one that contradicts principles of a “free press” (9).

To make this connection, we can start by acknowledging some major domestic concerns which, unsurprisingly, include job creation, Social Security, education, and Medicare (10).  The problem is that elites from academia, think tanks, big business, and government are the least burdened by these concerns.  The fact remains that there are people that depend on Social Security for survival (11).

Another hot issue involves reproductive rights and the War on Women (12).  Male op-ed writers comprised 80%, 84%, and 87% of the NYT, the Post, and the Journal respectively.  When the topics include obstetrical sonograms, contraception, abortion, and equal pay/benefits for women, the integrity of the discussion is going to suffer when male perspectives dominate.

The same logic applies to race issues.  Latinos make up 16% of the U.S. population, but their voice was confined to less than half a percent of the op-ed bylines which might not bode well for discussions on immigrant rights or border control.  Blacks were under-represented too which has frightening implications.  Michelle Alexander’s newly popular book The New Jim Crow discusses the scandalous incarceration rate in the United States (highest in the world) that disproportionately targets the black population and supplements a growing “undercaste” (14).  She traces it back to the Nixon and Reagan administrations’ schemes to exploit white working class racism and fear to gain political power.  It’s a national horror that just so happens to not really involve white elites from academia, business, think tanks, and government or their friends or their families.

The race issue is particularly egregious.  Blacks are incarcerated at a rate that is comparatively appalling and often for petty drug crimes such as marijuana possession.  In prison, they’re basically free (slave) labor.  When they get out they are disenfranchised, barred from juries, and struggle to find employment and therefore healthcare.  The fiscal consequences of the War on Drugs or the ethics of incarceration versus treatment are topics that are usually discussed in the papers (15) (16).  Lucid commentary on the grave human damage does come out, but infrequently (17) which is remarkable because the issue is so deeply offensive to principles of compassion and liberty that it ought to be making headlines.

Incidentally the major assertions made by Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow are not groundbreaking or radical.  The trajectory of the War on Drugs and its disproportionate affect on the black population had already been figured out by the mid-90s but mainstream discourse was just not ready for that kind of information (18) (19).  Alexander’s study, which is deeply researched and excellently delivered, just came out at the right time.  (Actually it took two years for it to get popular).  This reveals a great deal about the nature of our press.

Well if the press’ function is to inform the public mind so as to facilitate democratic participation and influence political discourse, what can we expect to hear from elected and appointed officials?  Gil Kerlikowske, the Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy gave a talk a few days ago on drug policy reform at the Center for American Progress (20).  I work in the same building and I happened to walk by him on the way in: I wouldn’t have known about it otherwise.  Even with prodding by the Center’s president Neera Tanden to address incarceration, Kerlikowske managed to avoid talking about drug war casualties by focusing strictly on drug abuse treatment.  In this capacity, he labeled the Affordable Care Act “revolutionary” for its requiring insurers to treat drug addiction like any other disease.  There was barely any mention of the incarceration disaster and absolutely no mention of the effects on the black population.

His lauding of the AFA, however, is interesting.  Obama’s health plan and his drug control strategy are similar in their ostensibly liberal motivations.  Furthermore, these superficialities are reinforced by the White House and the press.  Obamacare expands coverage which helps the poor and sick so therefore it must be populist, liberal, and benign and so on (21) (22).  Similarly, the drug control strategy will treat addiction and help ex-convicts find housing and not relapse so therefore it’s humane and progressive (23).

Unfortunately, the sinister and anemic properties of either are rarely addressed.  Obamacare’s expanded coverage is a blessing to the very entities that are responsible for the health crisis: it funnels billions to private insurers and pharmaceutical companies (24).  Similarly, targeting addiction is not an answer to the incarceration problem nor does it confront the damage to black communities (25).

But for the White House to highlight the hidden problems would irritate investors that influence campaigns through lobbying.  Private correction corporations such as CCA and GEO profit off of taxpayer funded incarceration.  Studies have shown private prison population grew in the last decade as their lobbying dollars increased (26).  A Boston Phoenix article reads: “Despite clear racial, economic, and cultural disparities, cries from constituents fell on deaf ears while law-enforcement lobbyists successfully cajoled and frightened congressional leaders” (27).  Operating through outfits like ALEC, they push for legislation that harshen sentencing for crimes (28).

Health insurance and pharmaceutical companies similarly influence the Affordable Care Act and thus the rhetoric available to Obama.  (29) (30).

Given that vast sectors of the American population hang in the balance in all of these issues, you might assume that the “great American free press” that isn’t afraid to question or criticize would actually ask questions or speak critically in regards to these discrepancies.  But the lives and careers of politicians, business executives, and elite journalists are so intertwined and symbiotic that the public has to be marginalized.  The reason is simple, their interests are opposed.  Furthermore, the public mind is clouded by superficial dichotomies such as Democrats vs. Republicans, pro-life vs. pro-choice, drug treatment vs. overpolicing, etc.  For an elite journalist, these topics are perfectly valid on intellectual and professional levels.  For a politician, they serve invaluable rhetorical purposes.  Forgotten, suppressed, and marginalized, however, are the issues pertinent to the millions that personally have to worry about food, rent, healthcare, education, transportation, debt, and retirement.  That’s the real skit.  That’s the funniest joke.

(1)    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eeTj5qMGTAI

(2)    http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/44/post/obama-offers-to-find-woman-a-job-during-google-chat/2012/01/31/gIQAckhbeQ_blog.html

(3)    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/01/30/obamas-pot-question-will-_n_1242008.html

(4)    http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/01/retired-lapd-brass-challenges-obama-on-drug-policy/252187/

(5)    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GfG8Btb0l3g

(6)    http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2009/dec/14/rupert-murdoch-wall-street-journal

(7)    http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/ezra-klein/post/occupy-the-regulatory-system/2012/04/27/gIQAjo21lT_blog.html

(8)    http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/ready-for-the-fight-rolling-stone-interview-with-barack-obama-20120425

(9)    http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=4513

(10)http://www.people-press.org/2012/01/23/public-priorities-deficit-rising-terrorism-slipping/

(11)http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=3260

(12)http://www.salon.com/2012/04/30/war_on_women_isnt_over/singleton/

(13)http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/blogpost/post/trayvon-martin-death-has-echoes/2012/04/02/gIQAVievqS_blog.html

(14)http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michelle-alexander/the-new-jim-crow_b_454469.html

(15)http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303425504577353754196169014.html

(16)http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303592404577364313277369518.html

(17)http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/03/12/young-black-and-male-in-america/spend-money-on-schools-instead-of-the-war-on-drugs

(18)http://www.commondreams.org/views/041200-104.htm

(19)http://www.mendeley.com/research/race-criminalization-black-americans-punishment-industry/

(20)http://www.americanprogress.org/events/2012/05/drugs.html

(21)http://www.thenation.com/article/167256/how-affordable-care-act-saves-lives

(22) http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2012/03/21/affordable-care-act-saving-lives

(23)http://www.huffingtonpost.com/r-gil-kerlikowske/white-house-drug-policy_b_1432966.html

(24)http://pnhp.org/news/2010/march/pro-single-payer-doctors-health-bill-leaves-23-million-uninsured

(25)http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/10/nyregion/reducing-crime-squandering-good-will.html

(26)http://thinkprogress.org/justice/2011/09/26/328486/us-private-prison-population-lobbying/

(27)http://thephoenix.com/Boston/News/73092-Freedom-watch-Jailhouse-bloc/?page=3#TOPCONTENT

(28)http://diversityinc.com/investigative-series/who-profits-from-the-prison-boom/

(29)http://floridaindependent.com/10163/how-the-american-legislative-exchange-council-turned-health-care-repeal-into-a-national-wave

(30)http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2009/12/05/72376/bcbs-alec-health/